Section 6: The Early Historical Vestiges of the Ba'alwi Sadah in Hadramaut

Section 6: The Early Historical Vestiges of the Ba'alwi Sadah in Hadramaut Tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa Muhammad Shahib Mirbat The Tomb o

Section 6: The Early Historical Vestiges of the Ba'alwi Sadah in HadramautBook title:  Indonesia Ulema Challenge Spurious Lineage: KH. Imaduddin Utsman al-Bantani's Refutation of the Book by Hanif Alatas et al
Title of Original / Indonesian version: Ulama Nusantara Menggugat Nasab Palsu: Jawaban KH. Imaduddin Utsman al-Bantani terhadap Buku Hanif Alatas dkk
Penulis: KH. Imaduddin Utsman Al-Bantani, pengasuh pesantren Nahdlatul Ulum, Banten
Cetakan pertama: November 2024
Publisher:  Lakeisha 2024
15,6 cm X 23 cm, 691 Pages
ISBN : 978-623-119-469-5 
Bidang studi: Sejarah Baalawi, sejarah Nabi, ilmu nasab, sejarah Islam, genealogi, garis keturunan, filologi/manuskrip, Tes DNA 
Publisher of English version: Al-Khoirot Research and Publication 
Fields of study: Ba'alawi history, history of the Prophet, science of lineage, Islamic history, genealogy, bloodline / lineage, philology/manuscripts, DNA testing  

Contents 

  1. Section 6: The Early Historical Vestiges of the Ba'alwi Sadah in Hadramaut 
    1. The Tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa
    2. Muhammad Shahib Mirbat 
    3. The Tomb of Muhammad Sahib Mirbat 
  2. Back to Book  Indonesia Ulema Challenge Spurious Lineage: KH. Imaduddin Utsman al-Bantani's Refutation of the Book by Hanif Alatas et al     

CHAPTER 6: THE EARLY HISTORICAL VESTIGES OF THE BA'ALWI SADAH IN HADRAMAUT

In order to defend their lineage, Hanif Alatas et al. attempt to present various pieces of evidence regarding Ahmad bin Isa in Hadramaut. Hanif points to the tomb and home of Ahmad bin Isa, the tomb of Ubaidillah, the mosque built by Alwi bin Ubaidillah in the year 360 AH, the tomb of Alwi bin Ubaidillah, the tomb of Jadid bin Abdullah, the Dome of Muhammad Sahib Mirbat, the tomb of Ali Khali Qasam, the tomb of Sahib Mirbat, the Masjid of Ali Khali Qasam, the tomb of Faqih Muqaddam, the masjid of Abdurrahman Assegaf, and the Al-Muhdlar Mosque.

Not a single book prior to the 9th century AH mentions Ahmad bin Isa migrating to Hadramaut. How could there possibly be a tomb for Ahmad bin Isa there? The existence of Ubaidillah is not confirmed by any book whatsoever, whether in Hadramaut or elsewhere; how then can his tomb exist? As for Alwi, how could he have built a magnificent mosque in the year 360 AH when his name only first appeared in the 9th century AH? The same applies to the other Ba'alwi names: Muhammad, Alwi, Ali Khali Qasam, and Muhammad Sahib Mirbath—their names were never once mentioned by scholars in their books, so how can their tombs exist?

Tracing a historical site is indeed one of the methods used to track the history of a figure, royal palace, place of worship, and so forth. Locating a site can be done in two ways: First, the site is mentioned in a written source, and researchers then seek out its location through surveying and excavation. Examples include the site of the Majapahit Palace in Trowulan, the Pajajaran Palace in Bogor and Banten, and the Demak Palace in Central Java. Second, the site is discovered first, and then sources related to it are searched for to determine its historical value.

The tombs of Ubaidillah, Alawi, Sahib Mirbat, and others from the Ba'Alwi family do indeed exist today. However, that alone is insufficient to serve as a proof that these individuals were truly historical figures. A tomb can potentially serve as evidence that a figure existed during their historical era. But conversely, it could also have been newly created in a later period. Therefore, the existence of a site like a tomb must be supported by other accompanying evidence.

The Tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa

The defenders of the Ba'alwi lineage base their argument (hujjah) regarding the migration of Ahmad bin 'Isa to Hadramaut on archaeological evidence, namely the presence of the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa in Husaysah, Hadramaut. The question is: is the tomb claimed to be the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa authentic? Has that tomb been recognized ever since the death of Ahmad bin 'Isa? What contemporary source can provide testimony that Ahmad bin 'Isa was truly buried in Husaysah?

A tomb in a certain location cannot become historical proof of the existence of a figure claimed to be buried there without supporting evidence in the form of written records about it. If that were not the case, then anyone in Banten today could construct a beautiful and magnificent tomb, inscribed with elegant calligraphy stating that it is the tomb of Imam Syafi'i. Could it then be argued that Imam Syafi'i migrated to Banten and left descendants there?

Syekh Ahmad bin Hasan al-Mu'allim states:

{لم يثبت في تاريخ اليمن وجود قبر معظم عليه مشهد أو مسجد قبل العقد الثاني من القرن الخامس} {إلا ما ذكر مما يسمى الشهيدين بصنعاء الذي قيل أنه على قبري قثم وعبدالرحمن ابني عبيدالله بن العباس}

"It has not been proven in the history of Yemen that a venerated grave with a shrine (masyhad) or a mosque built over it existed prior to the second decade of the fifth century, except for what was mentioned regarding what is called the Mosque of the Two Martyrs (al-Syahidain) in San'a, which is said to be over the graves of Qatsam and Abdurrahman—the two sons of Ubaidullah bin al-Abbas [who were killed by Busr bin Artah, an official appointed by Muawiyah in Yemen]."
From this explanation by Syekh Ahmad bin Hasan al-Mu'allim, it can be concluded that the tomb currently existing in Husaysah, which is ascribed to Ahmad bin 'Isa, was not known in Yemen until the year 450 AH, even though Ahmad bin 'Isa passed away 105 years prior to that (?).

Al-Janadi (d. 732 AH), a historian who keenly recorded the tombs of prominent figures visited by people, also did not record that there was a tomb for Ahmad bin 'Isa in Husaysah. Meanwhile, the two figures mentioned by Syekh Ahmad bin Hasan Al-Mu'allim had their existence recorded by Al-Janadi in Al-Suluk Fi Tabaqat al-Ulama wa-al-Muluk. He states:

{وقبر الطفلين مشهور بصنعاء في مسجد يعرف بمسجد الشهيدين يزار ويستنجح من الله فيه الحاجات}

"And the grave of the two children is famous in San'a inside a mosque known as the Mosque of the Two Martyrs (Al-Syahidain); it is visited for pilgrimage, and people seek the fulfillment of their needs from Allah there."
Aside from those two graves, Al-Janadi was diligent in making pilgrimages to the tombs of prominent figures. For instance, he recorded the grave of an Iraqi doctor who was regarded as a hero in Qinan, and he went on a pilgrimage there. He states:

{وقبره هنالك وهو مسجد جامع له منارة يزار ويتبرك به دخلته في المحرم أول سنة ست وتسعين وستمائة}

"And his grave is there (in Qinan); it is a congregational mosque (masjid jami') that possesses a minaret, is visited, and is regarded as a source of blessing (tabarruk). I entered it in Muharram at the beginning of the year 696 AH."
Al-Janadi (d. 732 AH) did not record the existence of a tomb for Ahmad bin 'Isa, despite being a historian who meticulously noted down the names of graves that were visited and deemed blessed. This implies that in the year 732 AH, the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa was not yet known (read: "did not exist") as it is today. A span of 387 years had passed since his death, yet his tomb was still unrecognized by people.

When, then, did the narrative that Ahmad bin 'Isa was buried in Husaysah begin to appear? The earliest report found is from Bamakhramah (d. 947 AH) in his book Qaladat al-Nahr Fi Wafayyat A'yan al-Dahr. In that book, it is mentioned that there are two opinions regarding the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa: The first opinion states that he died and was buried in Husaysah; the second opinion states that he died in Qarah Jasyib.

On what basis, then, was the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa definitively determined to be in Husaysah, as it is popularly renowned today? Bamakhramah mentions that the grave is believed to be the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa because Syekh Abdurrahman visited it and a light could be seen emanating from the place believed to be his tomb. Therefore, it was not based on prior historical data or sources.

Bamakhramah states:

{يرى على الموضع الذي يشار اليه ان قبره الشريف فيه النور العظيم وكان شيخنا العارف بالله} {عبد الرحمن بن الشيخ محمد بن علي علوي يزوره في ذالك المكان}

"A magnificent light can be seen over the spot which is pointed out as his noble grave (Ahmad bin 'Isa). And our teacher, Al-Arif Billah Abdurrahman bin Syekh Muhammad bin 'Ali Alwi, used to visit that location."
That is how the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa was discovered—not based on a manuscript stating that he was indeed buried in Husaysah, and not because the tomb had been there since the day of his death in the year 345 AH, but rather it was verified based on ijtihad (independent reasoning/judgment). This means the tomb of Ahmad bin 'Isa was only newly discovered, or even built, in the ninth or tenth century Hijri—roughly 602 years after his death. From this, given the conclusion that his migration to Hadramaut never occurred, the existence of Ahmad bin 'Isa's tomb in Husaysah can be most convincingly described as a fake tomb.

Muhammad Shahib Mirbat

The name of the figure Muhammad Sahib Mirbat Ba Alawi is not found in any Yemeni history books starting from his lifetime in the sixth century Hijri up until the ninth century.

Logically, a figure described in Ba Alawi books as a great scholar should have been detected by historians and written about in their works. In previous writings, the author suspected that Muhammad Sahib Mirbat was actually Muhammad bin Ali al-Qala'i. He was a great scholar in Mirbat who was contemporary with Muhammad bin Ali Ba Alawi "Sahib Mirbat". In the author’s initial estimation, the one more deserving of the title Sahib Mirbat was Imam al-Qala'i, because he was famously renowned as a great jurist of the Shafi'i school; his opinions were widely cited by authoritative legal scholars such as Imam Nawawi and Imam Ibnu Hajar; his authored books were numerous; and his name was recorded in history books like Al-Suluk.

Now, the author’s doubt has been resolved. The author has discovered a book that explicitly states who actually held the title Sahib Mirbat. It was neither Muhammad bin Ali Ba Alawi nor Muhammad bin Ali al-Qala'i. Sahib Mirbat was a title given to the ruler of the city of Mirbat named Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Ak-hal al-Manjawi. He was the last ruler of the city of Mirbat from the al-Manjawi Dynasty. Muhammad al-Akhal Sahib Mirbat was called al-Akhal because he wore kohl (celak) in his eyes, or because his eyes had a black mark since birth.

Ibnul Atsir, a 7th-century historian, mentions in his book Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh that in the year 601 Hijri, Muhammad al-Akhal Sahib Mirbat was succeeded by his former minister named Mahmud bin Muhammad al-Himyari (Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh: 10/203).

Although Ibnul Atsir only mentions the title Sahib Mirbat in his book without naming him directly, the name can be confirmed in other history books, such as the book Dzifar Ibrat Tarikh, showing that the title Sahib Mirbat was not for Muhammad bin Ali Ba Alawi, but for the ruler of Mirbat named Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Akhal al-Manjawi. Meanwhile, the name of Muhammad bin Ali Ba Alawi was not recorded as anything at all—with or without a title, as a scholar or otherwise. Unrecorded. Total darkness. If he were a historical figure, where was he hiding in the city of Mirbat that historians failed to record him, while other scholars were recorded in the history of Mirbat?

The Tomb of Muhammad Sahib Mirbat

The tomb of Habib Muhammad bin Ali Sahib Mirbat in the city of Mirbat has a gravestone with fine carvings. The inscription on the gravestone dates to the year 556 Hijri. Is it true that the gravestone was made in the year 556 AH?

In Yemen, the art of stone carving was not yet known in the sixth century. This is understood from the fact that the kings who ruled Yemen in the sixth century and prior—from the al-Manjawih and al-Habudi dynasties—had no graves with tombstones featuring carved calligraphy. How could an ordinary person have a beautifully carved gravestone at an expensive price if even their kings did not?

The first king whose grave featured a beautifully carved tombstone was King al-Watsiq Ibrahim of the Rasuli dynasty, who passed away in the year 711 AH. Even that tombstone was not produced in Yemen but was imported from India. Below is the image of the gravestone of King Al-Watsiq Ibrahim:

Imagine that even in the 8th century, the tombstone of a Yemeni king had to be imported from India; how could the tomb of Sahib Mirbat already possess an equally beautiful gravestone two hundred years prior? At the end of the 8th century, the Rasuli Dynasty subsequently brought in carvers from India to manufacture tombstones. This marked the beginning of many kings, scholars, and wealthy individuals having carved and sculpted tombstones. This can be proven by the differing types of stone material between the carved stone of King al-Watsiq and subsequent gravestones. The structure and stone type of King al-Watsiq originated from India, whereas the stone type of the other gravestones consists of local Yemeni stone.

The gravestone of Sahib Mirbat can confidently be believed to have been newly made in the ninth century or later, coinciding with the construction of the Ba Alawi lineage which had been finalized through the ijtihad of Habib Ali al-Sakran and al-Khatib.

For the author, the figure of Habib Sahib Mirbat himself remains doubtful—whether he was a historical figure or not. Investigations lead to the conviction that this figure is ahistorical. There are no contemporary reports mentioning his existence. History books that mention the scholars of Mirbat and Dhofar do not mention his name, except for books written after the 9th century Hijri. Yes, all of them after the ninth century hijri.

Sahib Mirbat's son named Abdullah—who is said to have received a transmission authorization (ijazah) from Imam al-Qala'i (the scholar of Mirbat who died in 630 AH)—was also mentioned for the first time by the book Al-Ghurar in the 10th century AH. Strangely, the lineage of this Abdullah bin Sahib Mirbat Ba Alawi was later declared "inqirod" (extinct / having no descendants).

His fate is identical to two scholar figures mentioned in external books who were claimed by the Ba Alawi as part of the Ba Alawi family, namely Jadid and Salim bin Basri. Both were described as brothers of Alwi bin Ubaidillah, yet both were subsequently declared inqirod (their lineages cut off).

The author suspects that the individual named Abdullah, who was referred to as al-Syarif, did indeed possess a narration that he received an ijazah from Imam al-Qala'i, but his ascending lineage was not mentioned. Then, in the ninth century, the Ba Alawi family claimed him as the son of Sahib Mirbat. Because no genealogical algorithm for his descendants was found within the Ba Alawi family in the ninth century, he was subsequently labeled "inqirad". This same algorithm happened to Jadid and Salim bin Bashri.

The author is convinced that Jadid mentioned in Al-Suluk, as well as Bashri, were not brothers of Alwi. Another book mentions that Alwi had only one brother named Ismail. He did not have brothers named Jadid and Bashri.

The tomb of Ubaidillah who died in 383 AH, as well as the tomb of Alawi who died in the year 400 AH—the author is certain that these were also newly determined via ijtihad in that ninth century. This is because a Yemeni researcher named Syekh Ahmad Hasan Mu'allim stated that in Yemen, there were no graves possessing a shrine (masyhad) and a mosque in the fifth century Hijri, except for the grave of "Al-Syahidain" in San'a.[] 

ENDNOTES

  1. See Hanif et al. . . p. 122-127
  2. Ahmad bin Hasan al-Mu'allim, Al-Quburiyyah fi al-Yaman (Dar Ibn al-Jawzi, Al-Mukalla, 1425 AH) p. 253
  3. Al-Janadi . . . Volume 1, p. 173
  4. Al-Janadi . . . Volume 1, p. 212
  5. Abu Muhammad al-Tayyib Abdullah bin Ahmad Ba Makhramah, Qaladat al-Nahr Fi Wafayyat A'yan al-Dahr (Dar al-Minhaj, Jeddah, 1428 AH) Volume 2, p. 618.
  6. Abu Muhammad . . Ba Makhramah . . . Volume 2, p. 618.
  7. Ahmad bin Awadh Alawi Alu Ibrahim, Tarikhi Wafati Al-Imam al-Qala'i Baina Syawahid al-Tarikh wa Baina Syawahid al-Qabr, p. 21
  8. Ahmad bin Awadh . . . p. 21 
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